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Where have Nepal's 'nepo kids' gone as corruption takes centre stage in election?
It was the excess on show on the social media accounts of politicians' children that provided the kindling for Nepal's Gen Z uprising last year.
The lavish presents - all clearly marked with designer labels - piled up and decorated like a Christmas tree, the expensive trips to five-star resorts around the world, the extravagant wedding parties that closed roads to traffic.
For many, the disparity between the haves and have-nots right there, on your phone, was too much to be ignored, in a country where youth unemployment stands at 20.6% and with three million working overseas.
"The kids of big politicians celebrate special occasions in places like Thailand and Switzerland," Satish Kumar Yadav, a 25-year-old lab technician, tells the BBC.
But, the children of the general public are forced to go to Gulf countries to find jobs.
A proposed ban on the very social media where young Nepalis were voicing their anger at the so-called "nepo kids" was the spark that would send thousands into the street on 8 September. Within two days, 77 people - many of them protesters shot by police - would be dead, and the prime minister would have stepped down.
As the country heads to the polls next week, it appears politicians have taken note of their anger, and have promised a raft of changes to appease it.
Meanwhile, many of the social media accounts which so carefully curated privileged lives have gone quiet.
Shrinkhala Khatiwada, a former Miss Nepal and daughter of a former health minister - who was reported to have more than a million followers at one point - appears to have shut her Instagram account down entirely. Her last post on YouTube is a 34-minute video explaining why she did not deserve the "nepo kids" label, uploaded months ago.
Smita Dahal, granddaughter of a three-time prime minister and former Maoist guerrilla leader, who was criticised for showing off her expensive handbag collection, has set her Instagram account to private. Her Facebook page has not been updated since late August.
There are exceptions.
One of the most striking images doing the rounds last summer was that of a former minister's son Saugat Thapa, standing beside Louis Vuitton, Cartier and Gucci boxes piled high in the shape of a Christmas tree.
The most recent posts the entrepreneur has shared with his 14,000 followers show him enjoying an international lifestyle - expensively dressed, taking in glamorous cities like Hong Kong, London, Istanbul and Marrakech in just the first two months of this year.
He has previously defended himself from the nepo kid label by saying it was "an unfair misinterpretation" and his father "returned every rupee earned from public service to the community". The BBC has contacted him for comment.
But posts like these no longer seem to be riling up Gen Z.
"I think many people have forgotten the nepo babies trend," says Dipika Saru Mugar, who joined the protesters on 8 September holding a sign demanding "no more nepotism".
That trend is over and there is a shift in focus. Our attention spans these days is very short.
That shift in focus may be away from the social media posts, but it is not away from the perception of nepotism - and more widely, corruption.
According to Transparency International's latest data, 84% of Nepalis believe government corruption is a big problem.
Examples of alleged corruption at the highest level are rampant. In December, five former ministers were among 55 people charged in connection with illegally inflating the building costs of a new airport in Nepal by $74m (£54.5m). To put it into context, a fifth of Nepal earns less than $2 a day, according to Reuters news agency.
They are not the only ministers to find themselves caught up in a corruption case in recent years: two more former cabinet ministers were charged in relation to a scam that saw Nepalis pay for fake documents allowing them to enter the US as Bhutanese refugees, Al Jazeera reported.
Corruption was a major factor behind the unrest that forced the resignation of then-prime minister KP Oli last September, leading to next week's election.
"We gave many opportunities to the old set of political leaders," lab technician Yadav says. "But, the people were cheated time and again.
In many places, there are no proper roads, the quality of education is poor and there are no good hospitals. This has to change now.
On paper, political parties have promised to make changes. All have vowed to investigate corruption and work as "guardians" of Gen Z.
The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) - only established a few years ago - has promised to make constitutional bodies more accountable. The Communist Party of Nepal UML, which was in power at the time of the protests, has promised to mobilise youths in political transformation and national development.
Meanwhile, the Nepali Congress has proposed holding a high-level investigation into the assets of public office holders since 1991.
It has also removed five-time former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba as its president.
The lavish wedding of his son, Jaiveer Singh Deuba, to singer Shivana Shrestha - along with more general pictures of their designer clothes and exotic holidays - was regularly cited as being among the more potent examples of the "nepo kids" trend. The couple's social media accounts also appear to have disappeared quietly.
For Rakshya Bam, one of Nepal's most prominent Gen Z leaders, these particular changes are small hints the party is willing to change.
They forced it and made reforms within the party," she tells the BBC. "They have also stipulated the time frame for which any candidate can serve as a prime minister or party president. They have also qualified how many times an individual can be a minister. I think this is a good practice and can be helpful to dismantle policy corruption.
But, she says, it doesn't go far enough - a feeling shared by other young people the BBC spoke to.
If new faces come, I am hopeful there will be changes," Yadav says. "But, if old political parties still retain power, there may not be much change.
Actual lasting change will be an uphill struggle, especially with a predicted coalition government, says a source within advocacy group Transparency International.
"Since this is a structural problem, it won't be quick and easy," they said.
For protester Dipika Saru Mugar - who is making a 16-hour journey home to cast her first vote in a general election on Thursday - remembering what happened in September, and why, is key to honouring the lives of those who died.
"The revolt was the result of a pain and I think that people should remember that while casting their votes," she said.
"The general public want the government to conduct deeper investigations against corruption.
Common people have been facing a lot of injustice and I want karma to be served.
Source: BBC
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