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Nitish Kumar's Dashavtar begins after his oath as Bihar CM for 10th time
Nitish Kumar secured an unprecedented tenth term as Bihar's Chief Minister following a landslide victory for the NDA. The alliance clinched 202 out of 243 seats, with the BJP and JD(U) forming the core of the new government. Key positions and cabinet selections reflect a strategic backward-upper caste combination, aiming to fulfill development visions.
Bihar's Sushashan Babu has now taken oath as Chief Minister for an unprecedented 10th time on Tuesday, making Nitish Kumr as the longest serving CM of the state. In a political landscape known for its twists, turns, and shifting alliances, one storyline keeps repeating: governments rise and fall, but Nitish Kumar remains the one constant on Bihar's throne.
In strong show of togetherness, all major faces of National Democratic Alliance including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and others were present at the historic Gandhi Maidan - the sprawling venue of his inauguration in 2005, and later in 2010 and 2015, before he chose the sober precincts of the Raj Bhawan as he swung between alliances and his stock fell.
The NDA registered a historic landslide victory in the 2025 Bihar assembly polls, winning 202 of the 243 seats, while the Mahagathbandhan managed to secure only 35 seats. The ruling alliance secured a three-fourths majority in the 243-member Bihar Assembly, marking the second time the NDA crossed the 200-seat mark in state polls. In 2010, it had won 206 seats.
Read more: Tejashwi Yadav: From Bihar's youngest deputy CM to a leader cornered by defeat, dissent and family strife
In the NDA, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 89 seats, Janata Dal (United) won 85, Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJPRV) won 19, Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) (HAMS) won five, and Rashtriya Lok Morcha won four seats.
Among opposition parties, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) won 25 seats, the Indian National Congress six, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) [CPI(ML)(L)] two, the Indian Inclusive Party (IIP) one, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] one seat.
All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) secured five seats, while the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) won one seat.
The Bihar assembly elections were held in two phases on November 6 and 11. Bihar recorded a historic 67.13 per cent voter turnout, the highest since 1951, with women voters outpacing men (71.6 per cent vs 62.8%).
Nitish Kumar's cabinet caste maths
Nitish (74) was elected the leader of the NDA legislature party in a meeting of MLAs and senior leaders of its five constituents - LJP(RV), HAM(S) and RLM besides the two main parties - and he was then joined by allies in staking claim to governor Arif Mohammad Khan.BJP lawmakers re-elected Samrat Choudhary, an OBC Kushwaha, as their leader, while Vijay Kumar Sinha, a upper caste Bhumihar, was picked as his deputy, in a clear indication that they would retain the position of deputy CMs in the new govt.
BJP has stuck to the backward-upper caste combination for the top two jobs from its quota, a social coalition which was the hallmark of its candidate selection in the election.
BJP and JDU have held lengthy deliberations to finalise details of the new govt, with both parties agreeing to the status-quo in key positions after exchange of differing views. If there was a suggestion from some in JDU for getting the speaker's post, currently held by its ally, BJP indicated its keenness for the home department, which is administered by Nitish, sources said, adding that the existing arrangement is likely to continue.
Sources told TOI that among outgoing ministers, Nitin Nabin, Mangal Pandey, Nitish Mishra and Sanjay Saraogi may be retained from the BJP quota. JDU's Vijay Kumar Chaudhary, Lacy Singh and Shravan Kumar, too, are tipped to be sworn in as ministers again along with representatives of three other allies.
After being elected BJP legislature party leader, Choudhary said the new govt would work in overdrive to fulfill the development vision of Modi and Nitish for Bihar.
Why was 2025 polls a litmus test?
After nearly two decades at the helm, Nitish Kumar faces perhaps his toughest political test. Once celebrated as "Sushashan babu" - the man credited with transforming Bihar after the Lalu-Rabri era, often dubbed as "jungle raj" by many - Nitish confronted growing fatigue and skepticism during these assembly elections.Nitish has ruled Bihar for close to 20 years, deftly switching alliances to retain power. But two decades of governance seemed to have brought inevitable voter fatigue. Once seen as the face of development and order, Nitish encountered an electorate which supposedly wanted renewal and energy.
It was believed that the BJP's national dominance and PM Modi's enduring popularity will be the NDA's strongest assets during Bihar elections, potentially offsetting Nitish's declining appeal. For years, Nitish Kumar played the "big brother" in his alliance with the BJP, often dictating terms. This time, however, the power dynamic shifted. The BJP, under Modi's leadership, negotiated an equal seat share with the JD(U), 101 seats each. Despite the symbolic parity, JD(U) appeared to have lost the leverage it once enjoyed. In Bihar's political arithmetic, Nitish was seen as a junior partner in spirit, even if not on paper.
Nitish's occasional incoherent moments sparked debate about his health and alertness. Opposition parties seized on these to question his fitness for leadership. While this was expected to impact some voters, many saw the BJP's strength under Modi would be a stabilising force.
Nitish's political capital had clearly diminished. His approval ratings as preferred chief minister had slipped from 37% in 2020 to between 16% and 25% in recent surveys (C-Voter, VoteVibe). The JD(U)'s assembly strength had also fallen sharply - from 115 seats in 2010 to just 43 in 2020, alongside a significant drop in vote share from 22.6% to 15.7%. The once-dominant leader found himself dependent on Modi's popularity to remain relevant in Bihar's shifting political landscape.
In many constituencies, it was believed that Modi's brand -- not Nitish's -- would draw votes. Though the Modi factor seems to have worked, the Nitish factor belied all expectations and skepticism.
Why Nitish Kumar's personal brand still carries weight
One of the most striking realities emerging from this election is that Nitish's personal credibility, which was thought to be eroding, has instead proven remarkably durable. While BJP strategists anticipated JD(U) would rebound somewhat, they wouldn't have expected Nitish's popularity to translate into such an expansive performance.Nitish has long been seen as a “governance-first” leader, and that image appears to have retained currency even after nearly two decades in power. Despite questions raised about his age, health and alleged political fatigue, a segment of voters still associates him with: Social harmony and caste balance seem to be Nitish's strongest points. He has the ability to carry diverse castes and religions together. In a state where voters have deep divides, this is a rare strength.
Numerically, Nitish's caste, Kurmis are around 3% of the state's population, much smaller than the over 14% Yadavs and around 18% Muslims. He is, however, popular among castes that are outside of politicised blocs perceived as committed to one party or the other, like 10% Hindu upper castes, over 4% Kushwaha, more than 5% Paswans, over 3% Musahars and 2.6% Mallahs. Nitish has traction even among Muslim voters who are generally perceived to be against ally BJP.
Another factor that seems to have worked for Nitish is women's vote. He has come to acquire significant goodwill among women voters. Women voters in Bihar have repeatedly acted as a stabilizing force for Nitish's leadership, often insulating him from shocks that affect other segments. The introduction of the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana (MMRY) seems to have reinforced Nitish's long-standing welfare architecture targeted at women, building atop various earlier schemes for women. The MMRY, with its promise of employment and income support, likely added a fresh layer of support at the margins, precisely where elections are won.
Unlike the BJP's loud and visible campaign machinery, JD(U)'s organisational strength is quieter but deeply networked, especially across rural blocks. Its traditional cadre structure, anchored in rural leaders and local influencers, may have activated more effectively than pre-election assessments assumed. In contrast to the 2020 election, where JD(U)'s cadre reportedly showed signs of fatigue and confusion, this time the party appears to have operated with greater coherence and improved coordination with the BJP at the constituency level.
For many voters, Nitish's governance model matters more than his political company. His long visibility as the most experienced administrator in the state continues to overshadow his perceived opportunism. Instead of punishing him, voters may have chosen to reward continuity.
Factors like anti-incumbency, questions over leadership fatigue and shifting political loyalties all existed but none of them overpowered basic perceptions of stability, welfare delivery, caste inclusivity and administrative continuity that go with Brand Nitish. At the same time, Brand Modi too must have worked to an extent to burnish Brand Nitish.
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Source: EconomicTimes
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