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Israelis are facing the blowback as Netanyahu plunges Israel deeper into crisis

Israel's conduct in Gaza increasingly risks turning the state into a pariah.
Whereas world leaders initially rallied around Israel after the October 7, 2023, massacre by Hamas militants, the resulting destruction inside the Palestinian enclave has seen the country ever more isolated on the international stage.
In recent weeks, even long-standing allies such as Germany, the UK and Australia have distanced themselves from the Israeli government, notably by pushing for recognition of Palestinian statehood.
As an Israeli scholar of the Middle East working in the US, I have seen how these international currents are affecting Israel's standing in the world. And while the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has stood defiant and unmoved by the hardening stance against it, the blowback against its citizens is certainly being felt.
The change in attitude toward Israel has been unfolding since soon after the start of the war. It has been driven by Israeli actions that are increasingly seen as disproportionate and indefensible. But it has reached new heights – or lows – in recent months given the increasingly desperate plight of Palestinians being broadcast around the globe.
Horrifying images of starving children and thousands of people skirmishing for scraps of food in what a UN-backed body has called famine are now regularly reported in media outlets around the world and in the US. Even conservative platforms such as Fox News that until recently were sympathetic to Israel's response to October 7 have dedicated airtime to reporting on the hunger crisis and questioning its motives.
Increasingly, Israel's onslaught on Gaza – which to date has killed at least 62,000 people, around half of whom are women and children, and left 70% of the strip in ruins – is being viewed through a critical lens.
Nearly two years after the attack that sparked the Israeli operation, the war aims of Israel are understood more and more as politically motivated, with the purpose being the political survival of Netanyahu and his government.
There is increasing international condemnation and sanctioning of some of the government's more prominent members who are accused of using genocidal language against the Palestinians in Gaza and elsewhere.
Australia recently barred the entrance of one far-right Israeli parliamentarian, citing his violent and inflammatory language against Palestinians. The UK has sanctioned two members of Netanyahu's government, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, for similar reasons.
Moreover, international organizations and scholars are increasingly framing the actions of the Israeli government as a whole in Gaza as genocide – and recently two Israeli human rights organizations have joined them.
But to what extent are Israeli citizens being conflated with the Netanyahu government in international criticism?
Israeli public opinion polls tell a complex story of views on the war in Gaza. On one hand, Netanyahu's government remains deeply unpopular among 70% of Israeli citizens, and a growing number of Israelis now fully believe that the prime minister is prolonging the war for his own political interests.
Such sentiment has seen an uptick in protests over the war. On August 17, the country practically shut down during a widespread strike and demonstration against the government. Hundreds of thousands of people gathered in Tel Aviv in an unprecedented mass rally, calling for the end of the war and a ceasefire deal that would bring all hostages back.
Yet polls also show that a majority of Israelis remain either indifferent to the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza or are in support of it, as dehumanisation of Palestinians is widespread among large swaths of Israeli society.
It seems that only recently cracks in this wall of indifference have emerged.
The labeling of Israel as a pariah state internationally does not seem to bother the government.
Netanyahu insists that all the reporting about the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza is fake news, orchestrated by Hamas and antisemitic forces around the world. Netanyahu has also responded to the moves by Western governments to recognise the Palestinian state by labeling their decisions as antisemitic.
But there are signs that international condemnation of the war in Gaza is affecting Israelis themselves – both at home and abroad.
Israelis and Israeli organisations from all walks of life are facing increased instances of anti-Israeli actions and sentiments.
The movement to boycott, divest and sanction Israel, known as BDS, has been in existence since 2005, but until the war in Gaza it had only limited success in generating wide support for its campaign.
Now, 20 years after its establishment, the floodgates have seemingly been lifted and resulted in a deluge of boycotts and other actions that are slowly affecting almost every sector in Israel. To give one example, the British grocery chain Co-op earlier this year announced that it would stop sourcing Israeli produce at its 2,300 stores.
Israeli tourists in Greece have been targeted by pro-Palestinian demonstrations. And there are multiple reports of Israeli tourists being questioned or harassed elsewhere for their possible involvement in the war in Gaza.
There is pressure on FIFA to force Israel out of the global soccer organisation, and matches involving Israeli teams in European capitals have been marred by violence by fans on both sides.
Meanwhile, a growing number of academics around the world are refusing to collaborate with their Israel peers. The EU is considering a move to block Israel from accessing its prestigious Horizon Europe research and innovation program. And Israeli artists are now regularly ostracised and disinvited from artistic events around the world, from music festivals to architecture exhibitions.
International cultural events that are scheduled to take place in Israel are now routinely modified or canceled, as just happened with the International Harp Competition, which had been scheduled for December 2025.
Meanwhile, the popular Eurovision Song Contest has now been a site of anti-Israeli demonstrations for the second year in a row. This is despite Israeli fans of the event, hugely popular among the LGBTQ community, belonging predominantly to the progressive left-leaning camp in Israel – the very people most likely to be in opposition to the current government.
Israelis have responded to this challenge in multiple ways. Even prior to the mass demonstration on August 17, tens of thousands of Israelis have protested the government for months on end, accusing Netanyahu and his far-right government for turning Israel into a pariah state. Artists and academics have issued petitions, acknowledging Israeli's responsibility for the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and calling for the end of the war.
Abroad, Israelis, who are known for being avid international tourists, are now traveling more to sites that are deemed less hostile to Israel. Many prefer not to disclose their Israeli identify. Reservists and discharged soldiers are fearful of being arrested abroad after posting on social media about their military service in Gaza.
Yet Netanyahu, who is subject to an outstanding arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court, along with his far-right Cabinet, seem to be unmoved. The global isolation may even serve their narrow interests by putting Israel in this precarious situation and helping them mobilise their base around the argument that all anti-Israeli actions are motivated by antisemitism.
And while antisemitism is real and widespread, and some of it drives anti-Israeli actions, it is a far cry to argue that antisemitism – and not Israeli government policy – is the main reason for current global sentiments and actions against the country.
The government is particularly indifferent to areas that are considered “elitist” and that have been mainly affected by the global protest movement against Israel.
Members of the government and its supporters see Israeli academia or Israeli arts as fields filled with liberal leftists whose power should be curbed. It is telling that when the Weitzman Institute, one of Israel's most distinguished academic centers, was hit by an Iranian missile during the 12-day war in June, a popular far-right radio and TV anchor and supporter of the government tweeted: “God 1; Weitzman Institute 0.” The suggestion was that God punished this globally renowned academic institution for its lack of support for the government.
The tweet was condemned by journalists and some members of the opposition but was endorsed and repeated on Channel 14, widely known as Netanyahu's “house TV channel.” Government officials remained silent.
When this is the sentiment among the government and its supporters, why would they be bothered with the consequences to Israeli academia and indeed its citizens by Israel being increasingly seen as a pariah state?
Asher Kaufman is Professor of History and Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame.
This article was first published on The Conversation.
Source: Scroll
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