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Is anti-Zionism really antisemitism? A Jewish political scientist weighs in on the debate
With antisemitism on the rise while Israeli-Palestinian relations remain at an historic low, one question that continues to dog public discourse is whether anti-Zionism is a form of antisemitism.
The stakes within the Jewish community have recently increased, with the issuing of a letter signed by more than 850 American rabbis and cantors opposing New York City mayoral frontrunner Zohran Mamdani due to his opposition to Zionism. The letter argues that anti-Zionism “encourage[s] and exacerbate[s] hostility toward Judaism and Jews”.
Why does the distinction matter?
If anti-Zionism is understood to be antisemitism, then those protesting or otherwise articulating deep opposition to the governing ideology of the state of Israel could find themselves on the receiving end of public opprobrium – harsh criticism and disgrace.
People in Canada and the United States have lost employment offers and jobs for seeming anti-Zionist.
This debate is not new, however. In 2022, Jonathan Greenblatt, head of the Anti-Defamation League, stated that “anti-Zionism is antisemitism” and that anti-Zionism is “an ideology rooted in rage”. A year later, the US House of Representatives passed a resolution stating that “anti-Zionism is antisemitism.”
In 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron called anti-Zionism a “reinvented form of antisemitism.” And perhaps most importantly, against this backdrop is the definition of antisemitism adopted by many countries, including the US and Canada, which brings the two concepts very close together, if not outright equating them.
Specifically, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance defines antisemitism, among other things, as “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination (eg, by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour).”
But is anti-Zionism really antisemitism?
To determine whether anti-Zionism is antisemitic, we first need to think about how we define Zionism. As a Canadian Jewish political scientist, my own research has found that the term Zionism is understood in wildly different ways.
In 2022, I surveyed American Jews with a weighted sample to account for various demographics. I found that while 58% identified as Zionist, 70% identified as such when I defined Zionism as “a feeling of attachment to Israel.” When I defined Zionism as a “belief in a Jewish and democratic state,” the number rose slightly, to 72%.
But a very different picture emerged when I presented a vastly alternate definition of Zionism. If Zionism, I offered, “means the belief in privileging Jewish rights over non-Jewish rights in Israel, are you a Zionist?” Here, respondents' support for the kind of Zionism experienced by Palestinians plummeted: only 10% of respondents said they were “definitely” (3%) or “probably” (7%) Zionist, according to this definition, with a full 69% saying they were “probably not” or “definitely not.”
A lifetime of analysis of Zionism, and adopting various labels at different phases of life for myself — I have at times identified as progressive Zionist, liberal Zionist, anti-Zionist, non-Zionist and none of the above – leads me to conclude that anti-Zionism and antisemitism should be considered distinct concepts.
Those who see anti-Zionism as antisemitic deploy various arguments.
One is that self-determination is a right, and denying that right to Jews — and sometimes seemingly only to Jews — is discriminatory and prejudicial. But while everyone has the right to self-determination, no one has the right to determine themselves by denying the rights of others to do the same.
Another is that given that the majority of Jews by most accounts embrace some form of Zionism, denying a part of their identity is hateful. But unlike most other markers and symbols of ethnic or religious identity, Zionism has historically, and continues to, directly affect another ethnic group: namely, Palestinians.
Contrast this kind of identity with dietary laws, clothing restrictions, modes of prayer and one's relationship to sacred texts: none of these aspects of identity necessarily affect another group. By contrast, the historical record of how Zionism has affected Palestinians is vast.
A third argument concerns antisemitism in general – that every other group gets to define the terminology around their own oppression, and therefore so should Jews. But again, when a state – which by definition interacts with others within and outside its borders — is brought into the equation, the debate about antisemitism ceases to be about only Jews.
At its core, Zionism is a political ideology. A cornerstone of liberal society is political debate, including subjecting ideologies to the stress test of critique. These ideologies include capitalism, socialism, social democracy, communism, ethno-nationalism, settler colonialism, theocracy, Islamism, Hindu nationalism and so on.
In the right of others to support, oppose, analyse or criticise it, Zionism is – or at least should be – be no different.
I understand why many Jews feel that anti-Zionist actions or statements are hateful to their identity. Most Jews have grown up believing that to be Jewish is to feel a deep connection to the state of Israel.
I grew up singing Hatikvah, Israel's national anthem, every evening at Hebrew summer camp in Manitoba as we lowered the two flags hanging from the flagpole: one the flag of Canada, the other, of course, of Israel.
And in many synagogues across Canada, it is typical to hear the Prayer for Israel recited, and it is not uncommon for the Israeli flag to be displayed prominently. At one synagogue I attended last year for a family celebration, there were even depictions of Israel Defense Forces soldiers etched into the stained-glass windows above the sanctuary.
But to feel connected to Israel – the land, the people, the safe refuge it has served for Jews in crisis, especially but not only after the Holocaust – one doesn't necessarily need to embrace its governing ideology.
One can seek to understand the harm Zionism has caused to Palestinians. One can try to consider alternative framings, ideologies or governing structures that would enable Israelis to thrive along with Palestinians.
As Zionist founder Theodor Herzl famously said, “If you will it, it is no dream.”
Mira Sucharov is Professor of Political Science, Carleton University.
This article was first published on The Conversation.
Source: Scroll
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