Bangladesh today is abysmally different from the trajectory promised to the people by Professor Muhammad Yunus when he was sworn in (August 8, 2024) as Chief Adviser of the Interim Government. Many myths have been shattered. The first myth that has unravelled is that Sheikh Hasina's ouster was the result of a “spontaneous students' uprising”. It is now accepted that the ‘meticulously designed' regime change operation was the handiwork of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the radical Islamist political party that fought against the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 2024, as in 1971, the JeI was strongly supported by Pakistan, backed by key external powers including the United States and China. The JeI is the power behind the Chief Adviser, controlling every decision.

Bangladesh, a year after Sheikh Hasina’s ouster Premium

Bangladesh today is abysmally different from the trajectory promised to the people by Professor Muhammad Yunus when he was sworn in (August 8, 2024) as Chief Adviser of the Interim Government. Many myths have been shattered.

The first myth that has unravelled is that Sheikh Hasina's ouster was the result of a “spontaneous students' uprising”. It is now accepted that the ‘meticulously designed' regime change operation was the handiwork of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the radical Islamist political party that fought against the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 2024, as in 1971, the JeI was strongly supported by Pakistan, backed by key external powers including the United States and China. The JeI is the power behind the Chief Adviser, controlling every decision.

The second myth concerns the legitimacy and constitutional validity of the Yunus-led regime. On August 8, 2024 they took the oath of allegiance to the Constitution of Bangladesh. However, this Constitution has no provision for an interim government. Even though the Bangladesh High Court (on December 17, 2024) restored the system of caretaker government, the Yunus-led Interim Government cannot be considered a caretaker government. The Yunus regime has violated the mandated neutrality and non-party requirements of the caretaker government. Members of the Hizb-ut Tahrir, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Hefazat-e-Islam have been included as advisers in his regime. In a tweet (now deleted), one of the advisers expressed their desire to establish a caliphate in Bangladesh based on Sharia law, and even spoke about a civil war to achieve this goal. The strongly Islamist ideological leanings and objectives of those who hold the reins of power in Bangladesh have alienated them from the people.

The third myth relates to the raison d'etre of any interim government. Its mandate can only be to ensure that free, fair and inclusive elections are organised within the specified 90-day period, with the participation of all registered political parties. An interim regime is not authorised to take any major decisions, especially those with constitutional significance or implications. Such decisions can be taken only by an elected parliament.

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Instead of preparing for elections, the Yunus-led interim regime has initiated a reform process, insisting that this must be completed before the elections. It has set up reform commissions for the Constitution, for electoral reforms, and for police reforms, among others. The JeI is the key protagonist of these reforms, which it hopes will boost its vote share far above the meagre 5% to 10% it has been receiving. This so-called reform process is merely an excuse to delay the elections, a step strongly opposed by the Army and by major political parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party which are insisting that elections be held by December 2025. This issue is now rapidly coming to a head, and election dates may be announced very soon.

Led by the JeI, the interim regime is unleashing unspeakable violence on the people. Prime targets are the non-Muslim minorities (Hindus, Christians, Buddhists) as well as Muslim religious minorities (Sufis and Ahmadiyyas). Equally vicious has been the violence unleashed against Awami League members and their supporters. Every statue, every building, every institution associated with the Liberation War of 1971 has been destroyed.

Over the months, as this violence has continued unabated, with varying degrees of ferocity, a huge backlash has built up among the people. Awami Leaguers have been jailed in large numbers or just brutally slaughtered. In May 2025, all Awami League activities were banned. While Sheikh Hasina is being tried on charges of ordering attacks on students (during the unrest of July-August 2024), there is deliberate amnesia about the burning and looting (by the mobs) of 400 police thanas across Bangladesh, followed by the killing of policemen in the hundreds, even thousands, using these looted weapons. The decision by the interim regime to indemnify itself and all “the students and people who actively took part in the mass uprising of July-August” against harassment or arrest has been sharply criticised within and outside Bangladesh.

The ‘students' party, the National Citizen Party (NCP), formed in February 2025, is dubbed the King's Party, owing direct allegiance to Mr. Yunus. So far, the party has no legal status since it is not registered with the Election Commission. At first it included erstwhile members or sympathisers of the Islami Chhatra Shibir (students' wing of the JeI) and claims ‘it was established to fight for the rights of the student community'. Yet, it has little or no following among university students. On July 16, 2025, NCP leaders held a rally in Gopalgunj, the hometown of the Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with the reported intention of desecrating his mausoleum in Tungipara.

The NCP was strongly resisted by the local people, staunch supporters of the Awami League. The Bangladesh Army is said to have supported the NCP by firing on unarmed civilians, resulting in the loss of several lives. The Gopalgunj incident has caused a furore, with dissatisfaction against the NCP and the Interim regime reaching new highs. A complaint has now been filed with the United Nations, describing this as a genocidal attack on the people of Bangladesh.

Important institutions of state such as the judiciary, the central bank and even the media have been compromised. In August 2024, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Governor of the Bangladesh Bank were surrounded by mobs and forced to resign. This pattern of mobocracy soon became the norm. Strict media control has been ensured by peremptorily taking over media houses. Journalists have been imprisoned since the early days of the interim regime, many on charges of murder. Many have lost their jobs, and face penury. This massive clampdown on an otherwise vibrant and comparatively free media has allowed the interim regime to peddle its own version of events to the global media.

However, it is difficult to hide the overwhelming economic distress being faced by the people. Growth rates have halved from the robust 6% and more per annum, that was the norm under Sheikh Hasina. Factories have shut down due to poor supply chain management, resulting in joblessness and hyper-inflation. In July 2025, Bangladesh Bank highlighted continuing macroeconomic challenges due to “persistent inflation, uncertainties associated with the forthcoming elections, slowing economic growth and stagnant private investment”.

The economic distress is, in many ways, the direct result of the foreign policy goals set by the Yunus regime. As can be expected, the JeI is not averse to the moniker, ‘client state of Pakistan', that is increasingly used for Bangladesh. The events of July-August 2024 were preceded and accompanied by vicious anti-India propaganda. Harsh criticism of Sheikh Hasina as a ‘fascist dictator' was invariably followed by blaming India for the state of affairs in Bangladesh. The mutually beneficial trade and economic partnership between these two neighbouring countries was criticised as being one-sided and unfair.

One year of this unrelenting barrage has now boomeranged on the Yunus regime. Public opinion has turned against it because, except for words, it has provided no succour to the people of Bangladesh. Across the nation, the shared refrain openly describes the ‘earlier times' as ‘being better', including the benefits to Bangladesh of their strong economic, trade and investment links with India.

India has shown a lot of patience in dealing with the interim regime. In August 2024, India had conveyed its willingness to continue with and build upon its links with Bangladesh. In April 2025, during the bilateral meeting with Mr. Yunus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated India's support for a democratic, stable, peaceful, progressive and inclusive Bangladesh, enunciating India's people-centric approach to the relationship. Unfortunately, the hand of friendship was rebuffed. Now, a new grouping of China, Pakistan and Bangladesh is sought to be created. Bangladesh must have early free, fair and inclusive elections under a new caretaker government. India is confident that the new elected government, one that truly reflects the wishes of the people of Bangladesh, will work to re-establish a cordial and mutually beneficial relationship with India.

Veena Sikri is a former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh

Published - August 05, 2025 12:16 am IST

Bangladesh / unrest, conflicts and war / India-Bangladesh / government / USA / Pakistan / China / constitution / judiciary (system of justice) / election / armed Forces / political parties / minority group / religion and belief / history / war / students / police / central bank / media / economy (general) / economic indicator / unemployment / inflation and deflation / macro economics / international relations / trade policy / Prime Minister Narendra Modi / United Nations

Source: The Hindu
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