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Iran’s top negotiator and parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, has accused US President Donald Trump of attempting to pressure Tehran into submission, warning that Iran is prepared to escalate if negotiations are conducted “under the shadow of threats
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UK: Anti-immigrant groups target English classes as Labour government emphasises ‘language skills’
Just as the protests outside asylum hotels of summer 2025 faded from headlines, some anti-immigration groups turned their attention to another target: English classes.
On November 24, a protest was organised outside a primary school in Glasgow, in opposition to an Esol (English for speakers of other languages) class being delivered for parents of children at the school. Holding placards reading “protect our kids”, protesters claimed that these classes presented a danger to children at the school.
The protest was widely publicised by Spartan Child Protection Team, a self-styled vigilante “paedophile hunter” group. Just three weeks earlier, the group circulated complaints online regarding an Esol class taking place in a community learning centre next to a primary school in Renfrew. In response, Renfrewshire Council shut down the classes.
Other anti-immigration groups across Scotland have followed suit, raising “safeguarding concerns” around Esol classes – specifically, the presence of migrant adults in proximity to schools.
Glasgow City Council took a strong stance in response to “social media speculation around family learning opportunities” and the protest at Dalmarnock primary school. They defended the importance of the classes for the school community, refused to tolerate “racism or bigotry of any kind” and labelled the campaign as “misguided and toxic”
“We will also not tolerate strangers and vigilante groups coming into our schools claiming to keep children safe when they have a clear hidden agenda to incite fear and alarm by spreading misinformation and inciting violence which is bigotry fuelled and inflamed,” a council spokesperson said in a statement to the media.
Also this month, the Reform mayor of Greater Lincolnshire, Andrea Jenkyns, received legal approval for her plans to withdraw Esol funding. She has said she wants to redirect the budget for such language courses to “Lincolnshire people”.
These examples are part of a pattern over the last 15 years of Esol education becoming politicised as part of the wider discussion on migration.
Under David Cameron's Conservative government, increasing emphasis was placed on English language acquisition as an indicator of “integration”. At the same time, however, funding for Esol was slashed, with cuts of up to 32% from 2009-'11.
Additionally, Cameron's policies were widely criticised by politicians and Muslim community groups. Critics argued that the policies stigmatised Muslim women as susceptible to radicalisation, by suggesting that the English language classes could be used to fight extremism.
Echoes of the Cameron-era policies are evident under the current government. Labour's May 2025 white paper on restoring control over the immigration system emphasises English language skills for integration. It lays out a series of proposals to increase English language requirements for visa holders and permanent residency.
Researchers and teachers in the field of language and migration have argued that such policies take a one-sided approach to integration. The responsibility of acquiring high level English proficiency is placed wholly onto migrants, without any meaningful plans to provide the resources needed to meet the huge demand for Esol.
With decades of cuts, waiting lists for Esol have skyrocketed for public-sector funded college courses across the country. Community organisations, faith groups and migrant support charities have attempted to pick up the slack through casual, often volunteer-led English classes.
Community centres and schools are popular sites for both formal and informal Esol classes, providing easily accessible classes for migrant parents and helping them to connect with the local community.
As a sector that has been severely underfunded for years, Esol is already struggling. Esol teachers have been battling against the effects of funding cuts – overwork, burnout – for over a decade.
The instructors I have interviewed in my ongoing research are concerned that attempts to further reduce Esol provision will have damaging consequences for migrants. For newcomers, Esol is a source of community, a means to access vital support and a tool to find stable, decent work.
They were also increasingly worried about the impact of the current political climate on the sector and – more importantly – on their students. With Esol taking a progressively more central place within polarised and hostile immigration debates, many felt a duty to defend Esol, and to defend migrants, refugees and asylum seekers.
For some, this meant taking inspiration from the successes of the Glasgow Campaign to Welcome Refugees from the early 2000s, when Glasgow became the first dispersal city for refugees in Scotland, in a government scheme that saw thousands of asylum seekers relocated to cities outside of London.
The campaign – led by political activists, many of whom were Esol teachers themselves – fought to unite the local community at a time of rising tensions, and to campaign for better services and resources for all.
In response to the recent attacks on Esol, some are organising to protect Esol provision and to refuse attempts by anti-immigration groups to divide communities. With initiatives such as Educators for All, Esol teachers are taking a stand to reject “racist campaigns that have targeted schools across Scotland”.
Katy Highet is Lecturer in English Language & TESOL, University of the West of Scotland.
This article was first published on The Conversation.
Source: Scroll
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